IN MOST countries a government that allowed $4.5bn to go
missing from a state development agency would struggle to win
re-election. If some $681m had appeared in the prime minister’s personal
account around the same time, which he breezily explained away as a
gift from an unnamed admirer, the task would be all the harder. An
apparent cover-up, involving the dismissal of officials investigating or
merely complaining about the scandal, might be the last straw for
voters. But in Malaysian elections, alas, voters do not count for much.
Under
any reasonable electoral system, the coalition running Malaysia would
not be in office in the first place. The Barisan Nasional, as it is
known, barely squeaked back into power at the most recent election, in
2013. It lost the popular vote, earning only 47% to the opposition’s
51%. But thanks to the shamelessly biased drawing of the constituencies,
that was enough to secure it 60% of the 222 seats in parliament.
This ill-deserved victory, however, occurred before news
broke of the looting of 1MDB, a development agency whose board of
advisers was chaired by the prime minister, Najib Razak. America’s
Justice Department has accused him and his stepson, among others, of
siphoning money out of 1MDB through an elaborate series of fraudulent
transactions. Much of the money went on luxuries, it says, including
paintings by Picasso and Monet, a private jet, diamond necklaces, a
penthouse in Manhattan and a gambling spree in Las Vegas. In February
Indonesia seized a $250m yacht that the Americans say was bought with
Malaysian taxpayers’ money. Authorities in Switzerland and Singapore
have also been investigating.
Mr Najib denies any
wrongdoing—and of course he has loyal supporters. But his administration
has not tried very hard to clear things up. Only one person has been
charged in connection with the missing billions: an opposition
politician who leaked details of the official investigation after the
government had refused to make it public.
All this is
unlikely to have improved Mr Najib’s standing with voters. Yet an
election must be held by August. Faced with the risk of losing power,
the government is rigging the system even more brazenly. Parliament will
soon vote on new constituency boundaries. The proposed map almost
guarantees Mr Najib another term, despite his appalling record.
How to rig an election
One
trick is gerrymandering, drawing constituency boundaries so that lots of
opposition voters are packed into a few seats, while ruling-party
supporters form a narrow majority in a larger number. Lots of this goes
on in Malaysia, as elsewhere: the new boundaries put two opposition
bastions in the state of Perak into the same seat. Gerrymandering is
made even easier by another electoral abuse called malapportionment.
This involves creating districts of uneven populations, so that those
which support the opposition are much bigger than those that back the
government. That means, in effect, that it takes many more votes to
elect an opposition MP than it does a government one. The practice is so
unfair that it is illegal in most countries, including Malaysia, where
the constitution says that electoral districts must be “approximately
equal” in size.
Nonetheless, the constituencies in the
maps proposed by the government-appointed election commission range in
size from 18,000 voters to 146,000 (see
article).
The Barisan Nasional controls all the 15 smallest districts; 14 of the
15 biggest ones are in the hands of the opposition. The average Barisan
seat has 30,000 fewer voters than the average opposition one. And this
is the election commission’s second go at the maps—the first lot were
even more lopsided.
Unfortunately, the electoral
boundaries are not the only way in which the system is stacked against
the opposition. The media are supine. The police and the courts seem
more interested in allegations of minor offences by opposition figures
than they are in the blatant bilking of the taxpayer over 1MDB and the
open violation of the constitution at the election commission. The
latest budget seems intended to buy the loyalty of civil servants, by
promising a special bonus to be disbursed just after the likely date of
the election.
But these biases, as bad as they are, are
not the same as fiddling constituencies. As long as the electoral system
is fair, Malaysians will be able to judge the government and vote
accordingly. But a rigged system will rob their votes of meaning. That
is the point, of course. Mr Najib may be venal, but he is not stupid. He
fears that most voters would not return him to office if given a
choice, so he is taking their choice away.
Source:
The Economist